research1

The presidential candidates in political cartoons: A reflection of cultural differences between the United States and Korea

Jongmin Park
Doctoral Candidate
School of Journalism
University of Missouri-Columbia

Sungwook Shim
Masters Student
School of Journalism
University of Missouri-Columbia

Abstract

This study examines the content of political newspaper comics in presidential elections to compare the culture of the United States and Korea from three perspectives: (1) the context of communication, (2) individualism vs. collectivism, and (3) confrontation. It finds a clear difference between candidate images in the cartoons of America and Korea. These three dimensions were good indicators of cultural differences between Western and Asian society.

1. Introduction
Whereas high art was brought to fruition under the patronage of church or princes, the flowering of caricature has its origins in popular art. We can learn a great deal more about the life of the people, their customs, their way of living, dress, and habits, from Holbeinís woodcuts than from his paintings (Selz, 1976, p.11).

The most popular feature in newspapers is comic strips. They offer humor, brightening a personís day. The comics are read by seventy-five percent of newspaper readers (Hughes, 1988, p.27). When editors at the Houston Chronicle polled readers about the comics, 20,000 readers responded. They paid their own postage, and many readers wrote long letters to the staffs (p. 27). This response reflects readersí strong interest in newspaper comics.
Political cartoons also work as an important source of information, retaining amazing freshness and eliciting an immediate response (Selz, 1976, p.12). They are visual commentaries on political angles and social satires with a cute punch. Political cartoons mirror a societyís culture (Gower, 1995, p. 37).
One type of political cartoon is the caricature, a form of wit or satire usually having a moral purpose. Famous and notorious politicians become regular subjects in caricatures. For example, this study revealed that 43 percent of USA Today political cartoons in 1996 included caricatures of presidential candidates Bill Clinton, Bob Dole and Ross Perot. In the 1997 presidential election in Korea, Chosunilbo, a major paper, used caricatures of presidential candidates in its political satire comic strips every other day. Thus, media images of presidential candidates are significant because voters will probably not see the candidate in person and news coverage of presidential candidates is typically distorted or superficial it tends to focus only on the "horse race" aspects of the campaigns (Patterson & McClure, 1976).
Mutual communication among societyís members forms their culture. Hall (1959) insists that culture and communication are inseparable and interrelated. His study also suggests a comprehensive conceptual design based on the notion that culture is communication and communication is culture. Hall (1977) defined cultural differences by distinguishing communicative characteristics as concepts of high- or low-context messages. In another study, Barnlund (1975) proposed that Americans are seen as spontaneous, talkative and verbally explicit, while Asians are seen as more reserved and introspective.
As mentioned earlier, it is also known that the mass media of a country mirrors its cultural values. Researchers have studied the diverse relationship between media content and the cultural traits of a society. Therefore, it can be assumed that newspaper political cartoons, an element of media content, also deliver not only various political contexts but also reflect socio-cultural trends. Furthermore, the contents of newspaper cartoons from different countries are significant because they can provide a framework to understand the cultural discourse of each society.
Therefore, this study examines the contents of political newspaper cartoons in presidential elections in order to compare the cultural aspects of political communications in the United States and Korea.
The history of political parties in Korea is relatively short compared to that of America. However, Korean political loyalties tend to be rooted in the geographic area in which the party originated, as opposed the policies the party espouses (Kim, 1998). As shown in Fig.1 (See Appendix), east and west regionalism has been the unsolved issue in Korean society. On the other hand, Americans are more interested in issues, policies and party platforms than in personalities and regionalism.
Several cross-cultural aspects of cartoons were adapted for this study. The first dimension studied is the difference between presidential images as portrayed in Korean and American political cartoons. This dimension is studied by adapting Graber and Weaverís presidential performance criteria. The second area studied is the tone of cartoons in Korea and America. It is expected that the tone of American cartoons will be more negative than Korean cartoons. The final dimension studied is orientation differences between political cartoons in the two countries. Based on the cultural traits of both countries, it is expected that Korean cartoons will be personality-oriented and American comics will be issue-oriented.

2. Political Cartoons in Newspapers
The earliest American political prints come, interestingly enough, from the hands of eminent political leaders, such as Benjamin Franklinís "Join or Die" of 1754, shown in many newspapers from Philadelphia to Boston, or Paul Revereís color engraving, "The Boston Massacre" of 1770, anti-British propaganda under the guise of a realistic rendering of the event. Franklin was a printer by trade. Revere was not only a silversmith but also an engraver (Selz, p.13).
American society then enjoyed an atmosphere in which political cartoons could flourish. Political caricatures, or cartoons, as they came to be known in the 19th century, were probable only after certain bases were achieved basically, the widespread agreement of a norm of beauty and the mental freedom to detach the symbol from the reality of the person being satirized, ridiculed or castigated. In addition to these circumstances, there also had to exist a climate of political freedom, supported by political stability, that permitted artists or writers to engage in satire (Selz, p.12).
In the early 20th century, political cartoons in American newspapers overwhelmed their notorious and cynical satires in any subjects and events backgrounding the political freedom and the freedom of the press and the development of newspaper industry. Since Richard Outcaltís smiling street urchin, "The Yellow Kid," ran in 1896, comic strips and panels have become universal in American newspapers (Shaw, 1992, p. 4).
Yet, the renaissance of the political cartoon in America during the last twenty years was certainly unpredictable. The problems facing the cartoonist have been competition with visual media and the decline of print media (Selz, p.19). It seemed that the purpose and function of the political cartoon was a matter of the past. In the past, American daily newspapers commonly included pages full of comics. However, a new comics format is used to only illustrate events in modern newspapers.
Whereas political cartoons in American newspapers have declined, the political cartoons in Korean newspapers during the last ten years have enjoyed full freedom in choosing topics and objects. The main reason is the end of the military regime in 1987. Not only the front page but also the social sections of daily newspapers are dealing with current political issues without any political pressure and restriction. Korean newspaper readers also amuse themselves by reading comics that criticize current social problems.
On the other hand, political comics also help people understand the political fabric of their country. Politicians use political comics to gain insight and get feedback from the public. During the last Korean presidential election in 1997, Hoi Chang Lee, the leader of Grand National Party, used his caricatures instead of his pictures. He also delivered 150,000 cartoon packets titled "A man of integrity: Hoi Chang Lee," and "The life story of Hoi Chang Lee and his wife, In Wok Han" (Park and Jung, 28 Nov. 1997). Recently, President Kim published a cartoon book, "Opening the future with our people," to commemorate his first presidential anniversary (Kho and Shin, 2 Sep. 1998). Korean newspaper comics not only mirror the society but also serve as social surveillance of the mass media.
In the 1990s, newspaper comics still have the potential to attract readers of every age, although the number of comics has dropped as newspapers have been confronted with the rising cost of newsprint. The comics still reflect peopleís everyday lives (Astor ,1995, p.39). The potential influence of comics in society has become more extensive because of new formats including various interactive abilities in everything from print to audiotext comics (Zimmerman, 1997, p.20). Comic art, computer-generated graphics, Internet and audiotext telephone services and news photographs are used to illustrate American political cartoons (Levine, 1997, p.24). Not only do newspaper comics affect readers, but readers also influence newspaper comics.

3. Cross-cultural approach in the United States and Korea
Culture is not as much what people do and how they express themselves as their knowledge of the potential behaviors and cognitive maps of their in-group. Familiarity with certain forms of behavior and ways of thinking make people feel that they belong to a culture (Von Raffler-Engel, 1988). A broad definition of culture was noted by Levine (1973) who viewed culture as :
An organized body of rules concerning the ways in which individuals in a population should communicate with one another, think about themselves and their environments and behave toward one another and toward objects in their environments. The rules are not universally or constantly obeyed, but they are recognized by all and they ordinarily operate to limit the range of variation in patterns of communication, belief, value and social behavior in that population. (p.4)

Society, social systems and culture are interrelated and impact communication. To understand similarities and differences in communication between cultures, it is necessary to have a way of talking about how cultures differ.
Gudykunst (1987) describes the variables by which cultures are different or similar as "dimensions of sociocultural variability." Sociocultural variability is influenced by two major factors: ecology (or resources) and history (Gudykunst, 1987). These dimensions of sociocultural variability affect the specific values and norms that predominate in different cultures. These values and norms also allow us to understand why patterns of communication are similar or different across cultural boundaries. Although there are many dimensions on which cultures differ, this study focuses on Hallís thought of high-and low-context culture and Hofstedeís (1983) individualism versus collectivism. Also, Taylor, Miracle, and Chang (1994) cited confrontation as criteria for differentiating cultural distinctions between the West and the East.

(1) High-Context Communication versus Low-Context Communication:
Hallís (1977) high- and low-context notion focuses on cultural differences in communication. Hall (1976) described the difference between high- and low-context cultures in the following way:
A high context (HC) communication or message is one in which most of the information is already in the person, while very little is the coded, explicit, transmitted part of the message. A low context (LC) communication is just the opposite; i.e., the mass of the information is vested in the explicit code.

Hall (1987) observed that the United States is characterized by a low-context culture, whereas Japan and Korea have relatively high-context cultures. Also, Yum (1987) noted the high value of reading nonverbal cues as being characteristic of the Korean culture. Kang (1988) and Gudykunst, Yoon and Nishida (1987) also pointed out the high- context nature of Korean culture, finding indirect and subtle communication to be preferred over the direct and blunt style more valued in the West. In a low-context culture, most information is contained in either explicit or verbal messages. Consequently, whereas Korean culture is a high-context culture, American culture is placed on the low-context culture (Gudykunst & Kim, 1992).

(2) Individualism versus Collectivism:
The characteristic of individualism or collectivism is the major dimension of cultural variability used to explain cross-cultural differences in behavior. Emphasis is placed on individual goals in individualistic cultures. Group goals have precedence over individualistic goals in collectivistic cultures (Tak, Kaid, and Lee, 1997).
Hoare and Pares (1988) indicated that Koreans highly value dependency. This is evidenced by Koreanís willingness to rely more on extended families for emotional, social and economic support than Americans. Both Paik (1968) and Kim (1984,1985) also noted that individuals have not been the central unit of social life in traditional Korean society. Instead, a spirit of mutual assistance and cooperation among groups prevails, manifesting itself in cooperation among rural and urban dwellers. The Korean people are typically willing to "pitch in" for the good of their country.
Hofstede (1980, 1983) also compared the collectivistic nature of Japanese and Korean cultures to the United States. He noted that collectivistic cultures prefer "a tightly knit social structure in which individuals can expect other in-group persons to look after them." Collectivism implies dependence or interdependence, and individualism implies independence. In the United States, individualistic and independent behaviors are highly valued, whereas dependency often has a negative connotation.

(3) Confrontation:
Yum (1987) characterized the Korean communication style as being "accommodation-oriented" as opposed to confrontation-oriented. Paik (1968) and others have also noted that the traditional face-to-face consciousness of Koreans makes confrontation in social interaction generally unpleasant. Hall and Hewitt (1973) suggest that Americans regard communication as a tool for conflict resolution. The Korean view, however, holds that communication is of limited value in solving problems because truth and solutions become apparent in the natural course of events. Thus, Korean people tend to avoid confrontation. In general, Koreans are more emotion-oriented than Americans, who place greater emphasis on rationality.

4. Other studies of media coverage in presidential elections
Hacker, et. al. (1996, p.143) studied the use of computer-mediated political communication in the 1992 presidential campaign . They found that the reasons voters used computer lists for presidential candidates in 1992 were: (a) to state opinions about the election, (b) to convey information about their personal lives and voting aims, and (c) to announce information about the campaign. The Perot list was found to include more opinion statements than the other two lists. The Clinton list contained the most information, including personal facts.
Graber and Weaver (1996, p. 24) also analyzed the presidential election in 1992 . They classified a list of print media terms that were used to depict the three candidates in election campaign stories. They found that 40 percent of the characterizations mentioned the overall political doctrine of the candidates, which were liberal, conservative or moderate. Little mention was made of candidatesí backgrounds, intellect, motives, styles of leadership, or how they handled communications, decision-making and management functions.
In addition, the two terms that had the highest story counts were "strong," which referred to the power of candidates, and "trust," which referred to the personal quality of being faithful. "Strong" accounted for 26 percent and "trust" accounted for 25 percent of the most frequently used terms. Finally, "failure," a term used mainly to describe the Bush campaign and presidency, accounted for nine percent of the most frequently used terms (pp. 27-28).
Kim (1998) studied Korean voting manners in the 1997 national election. He found that the candidatesí political party affiliations, which is the rational, was included in the irrational aspect for evaluating the candidates. This study shows that Korean people tend to depend on candidatesí personal orientations, not issues.
Tak, Kaid and Lee (1997) studied cross-cultural dimensions of political advertising in the United States and Korea. Based upon cultural differences in the two countries, it was concluded that Korean candidates rely significantly less on direct negative ads than U.S. candidates. Their findings indicate that political advertising messages by American and Korean candidates were highly reflective of their cultural orientations. Political advertising, therefore, was a conspicuous indicator of cultural values because it reflected clear differences in American and Korean cultural patterns.
Graber and Weaver (1996, p.7) developed a list of performance criteria by which to predict or attribute the success or defeat of presidencies (see Table 1). Using these criteria, they analyzed the content of eight newspapers and three magazines in America. They found that magazines and newspapers focused more heavily on judging the motives and personalities of candidates than on inquiring into the candidatesí backgrounds, intellects, relationships, communication styles, political styles, decision-making styles or management skills. Bill Clintonís "honesty" was referred to a total of 93 times, and his "patriotism" was referred to 89 times. The most repeated term used about George Bush was "national loyalty." The next terms were "family" and "traditional values." The most frequently used term for judging Ross Perot was "crusading personality," and there were 19 references to "ambition" as the basis of his motivation (p. 23).

Table 1. Presidential Performance Criteria (p.20-21)
Criteria Biographical Adjectives
Background Religious, Educated, Ethical, Career Politician, Disciplined
Intellect Observant, Intelligent, Knowledgeable, Analytical
Motivation Patriotic, Freedom, Competitive, Family/Traditional Values, Ambitious
Personality Crusading, Commanding, Responsible, Optimistic, Humble, Loyal, Confident, Enthusiastic, Honest
Relationships Isolated, Diplomatic, Compassionate
Communication Style Elitist, Populist, Eloquent, Image Builder
Leadership Skill Inspirational, Compromising, Charismatic, Persuasive
Political Style Conciliatory, Pragmatic, Reformer, Moralistic, Coalition Builder
Decision Style Indecisive, Realistic, Passive, Imaginative
Management Skills Delegating, Accountable, Competent, Efficient

6. Research hypotheses
The purpose of this study is to determine the differences between presidential images in the political cartoons of Korea and America. A content analysis will accomplish a cross-cultural comparative analysis. Based upon the assumption of cultural differences between the two countries such as low- and high-context communication, individualism versus collectivism, and confrontation, both countriesí images of presidential candidates in newspaper cartoons will be compared. The following hypotheses are presented.
Several researchers such as Hoare and Pares (1988), Paik (1968), Kim(1984,1985), Hofstede (1980,1983), Tak, Kaid and Lee (1997) concluded that Korean culture is collective-oriented and American culture is individual-oriented. Based on this premise, the first group of hypotheses is made. The categories for more detailed analysis are adapted from Graber and Weaverís presidential performance criteria (see Table 1).
Hypothesis 1-a,b,c,d,e,f,g,h,i,j. Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí background, intellect, motivation, personality, relationships, communication style, leadership style, political style, decision style and management skills.

The second hypothesis is based on Hallís (1977) cultural differentiation between communication contexts. The U.S. is characterized by low-context communication. Low-context communication individuals are more able to disconnect the debate from the persons involved they can scream and shout out a controversy and yet remain good friends afterward. In the high-context culture, the difference is heavily linked to the person who causes the contention. To disagree with somebody in public is an extreme insult. Especially when communicating in a boss-subordinate relationship, individuals are expected to show mutual sensitivity appropriate to the rituals surrounding senior-junior relations (Mooij & Keegan, 1991).
Whereas the content of American newspaper contents is expected to express conflict or open dissatisfaction about presidential candidates, Korean newspaper comics are expected to reflect their high-context culture and describe presidential candidates more indirectly.

Hypothesis 2. American newspaper cartoons will use a more negative tone in presenting presidential candidatesí images than will Korean political cartoons.

Digital thinking and decision-making are features of the American communication system. Whereas Americans are structural and analytical, Koreans are involved in recognizing the feeling of the overall situation before looking at details (Mooij & Keegan, 1991). Yum (1987) characterized the Korean communication style as being "accommodating" as opposed to confrontational. Koreans will therefore regard a candidateís personality traits, such as honesty, responsibility and confidence, as more important criteria than their political positions on issues.
Hypothesis 3. Korean newspaper cartoons will put more emphasis on personality-oriented contexts than issue-oriented contexts of presidential candidatesí performance than American cartoons.

7. Research methods
(1) Newspaper Comics Sample
This study will focus on the presidential images in newspaper comics from Korea and America. The latest Korean presidential election was on December, 18, 1997. The three candidates were Hoi Chang Lee, Dae Jung Kim and In Jae Rhee. Hoi Chang Lee led the ruling party, and Dae Jung Kim led the first opposition party. In Jae Rhee led another opposition party. The latest American presidential election was November, 2, 1996. The candidates were Bill Clinton, Bob Dole and Ross Perot. Because of the proximity of these two elections, the political cartoon coverage of these two nations will be compared.
This study used only daily cartoons that appeared in the American newspaperUSA Today and the Korean newspaperChosunilbo . These two newspapers were selected because they had the highest national circulation in their respective countries. The coverage period for USA Today was from November 1, 1995 to November 30, 1996. The coverage period for Chosunilbo was from October 1, 1996 to October 31, 1997. The comics were on page two of Chosunilbo and on the editorial page of USA Today . The monitored period of two days per week, Monday and Wednesday, was randomly selected. Totol 192 cartoons from both newspapers; each 96 cartoons from USA Today and Chosunilbo were collected and each 96 cartoons. A content analysis was used to study the cartoons.
Each category was coded whether it was expressed or not. In measuring the tone of the presidential image, coders judged whether it was largely positive, negative or neutral. Coders were also told to judge whether the comics were personality-oriented or issue-oriented.
A chi-square was run to determine whether the presidential images and the tone of the cartoons in Korean and American newspapers were different. A chi-square was also used to determine whether the cartoons of the two countries were personality-oriented or issue- oriented.

(2) Operational definitions
The tone of presidential candidate's image
The negative tone of a presidential candidate's image was coded if an effort was made to diminish the image of the president through satire, ridicule, or castigation and when cartoons portrayed the subject in a negative light or criticized their image in the campaign. On the other hand, the tone was coded positive if cartoons focused on achievement or praised a candidateís image in the campaign. In addition, the tone was coded neutral when cartoons contained neither positive nor negative aspects.

Personal-oriented and issue-oriented
While cartoons were personal-oriented when they described candidates as individuals, referring attributes such as honesty, intelligence, sincerity, strength and so on (Garramone, 1986), cartoons referring to policies advocated by a candidate and future behavior were coded as issue-oriented (Geiger and Reeves, 1991).

Presidential performance criteria
The categories for this study were adapted from other content analyses of presidential performance criteria that Graber and Weaver developed. They developed lists of performance criteria to which over 100 biographers attributed the victory or defeat of presidential races. Based on their criteria, the categories are defined operationally:

Background: refers to the presidential candidateís education, work experience and ethics.
Communication style: refers to the way presidential candidates communicate with other people.
Decision style: involves the style of making decisions, as depicted in comics.
Intellect: refers to intellectual capabilities and knowledge about surroundings and policies.
Leadership skills: refers to presidential candidates selling their visions or to manage their staffs.
Motivation: refers to the inner drives toward the presidency.
Management style: refers to the presidential candidateís ability to manage their parties.
Personality: refers to personal style traits like curiosity, honesty, intelligence, and strength and so on.
Political style: refers to the ability to bargain, to wheel and deal and make concessions with other candidates and organizations as depicted in comics.
Relationship: refers to traits and talents that allow the presidential candidate to develop sound relationships with people inside their parties and with media as depicted in comics (Graber and Weaver, 1996, p.11).

Cartoons were categorized according to their words and visual images. Figure 2 and 3 in the appendix are examples classified by the categories for this study. As shown in Fig. 2, a cartoon in Chosunilbo on Feb. 6,1997, was coded negatively on the tone of the presidential image. It was also coded issue-oriented because it dealt with an important political event. Also it included political style and management style among the presidential performance criteria.
As for a cartoon in USA Today on April 29, 1996 (See Figure 3), the presidential image took a positive tone for Bob Dole. It also was coded personality-oriented because it was categorized as using personality and relationship of the presidential performance criteria.
The three coders were trained to extract the connotative meaning of comics.

(3) Coders and reliability
The newspaper comics were coded by trained coders who are proficient in Korean and English. Three coders (a Korean doctoral student in a U.S. journalism school, a Korean- American undergraduate who is proficient in Korean and an American journalist who had work experience at a Korean newspaper) underwent two training sessions. The initial session explained the coding system and categories; the second session reinforced the category definitions and clarified problem categories or definitions. Intercoder reliability, using Holstiís formula (Wimmer and Dominick, 1997, p. 128), yielded an average intercoder reliability of 83 percent.

8. Findings and Results

Hypothesis 1-a. Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí backgrounds.

As Table 2 indicates, there is no statistical significance in the presentation of candidatesí backgrounds between Korean and American cartoons. Overall, however, Americans deal with candidatesí backgrounds more than Koreans. This result indicates that Americans regard the ethics of candidates as important but that Koreans tend to be more toleratant of ethical problems.

Hypothesis 1-b. Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí intellect.

There is no statistical significance in the depiction of candidatesí intellect between Korean and American cartoons. They deal with candidatesí intellect similarly. When considering the property of comics, intellect in comics is not presented more often (see Table 2).
Hypothesis 1-c. Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí motivation.

As shown in Table 2, there is no statistical significance in the presentation of candidatesí motivations between Korean and American newspapers. However, motivation is more frequent in Korea than America.
Hypothesis 1-d. Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí personalities.

There is a statistically significant difference in the presentation of a candidateís personality between Korea and America. As shown in Table 2, analysis of the data concerning personality found that a larger percentage (71.4%) of Korean cartoons included personality, with a smaller percentage (28.6%) in American newspapers. This finding shows that Korean newspaper cartoons addressed candidatesí personalities significantly more often. Because of the Korean tendency to avoid confrontation, candidatesí personalities are more common than in America. This is consistent with Hypothesis 3.
Hypothesis 1-e. Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí relationships.

There is a significant difference in the depiction of candidatesí relationships between Korean and American cartoons. As shown in Table 2, a larger percentage (65.2%) of Korean newspaper cartoons presented candidatesí relationships. A smaller percentage (34.8%) of America newspaper cartoons fell into this category. This finding shows that Korean newspaper comics presented candidatesí relationships significantly more often.
This result indicates that Koreans consider relationships such as regionalism, school relations and kinship important factors. They also support assertions about Koreaís social collectivism and that Koreans value dependency and prefer "a tightly knit social structure in which individuals can expect other in-group persons to look after them." On the other hand, in America, individualistic and independent behaviors are more highly valued.
Hypothesis 1-f. Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí communication styles.

There is no statistically significant difference in the depiction of candidatesí communication style between Korean and American cartoons. Moreover, the percentages of presentations of candidatesí communication styles in both Korea and America are lower than expected (see Table 2).
Hypothesis 1-g. Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí leadership styles.

As shown in Table 2, there is no statistically significant difference in the presentation of candidatesí leadership skills in Korean and American newspaper cartoons.
Hypothesis 1-h. Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí political styles.

There is no statistically significant difference in the presentation of candidatesí political style between Korean and American cartoons, as shown in Table 2. However, larger percentages of Korean newspaper cartoons (64.5%) and smaller percentages of America newspaper cartoons (37.3%) presented candidatesí political styles.
Hypothesis 1-i . Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí decision-making styles.

There is no statistically significant difference in references to candidatesí decision-making styles in Korean and American cartoons. Overall, the newspaper cartoons of the two countries showed low percentage on decision style (see Table 2).
Hypothesis 1-j. Korean newspaper cartoons will be different from American cartoons in terms of presidential candidatesí management skills.

As Table 2 indicates, there is no statistically significant difference in reference to candidatesí management styles in Korean and American cartoons. However, a larger percentage (40.5%) of Korean newspaper cartoons presented candidatesí management style than American newspaper (25.4%). This indicates that Korean presidential candidatesí management styles are consequential. This is because the collectivism-oriented system in Korean political parties emphasizes membersí mutual assistance and cooperation .

Table 2. Presentation of categories between two countries
America(%) Korea(%)
Background Yes
No
c2=3.08 (df=1); p=n.s 18(30.5)
41(69.5) 13(17.6)
61(82.4)
Intellect Yes
No
c2=.013 (df=1); p=n.s 10(16.9)
49(83.1) 12(16.2)
62(83.8)
Motivation Yes
No
c2=1.59 (df=1); p=n.s 4(6.8)
55(93.2) 10(13.5)
64(86.5)
Personality Yes
No
c2=9.78 (df=1); p<.05 16(27.1)
43(72.9) 40(54.1)
34(45.9)
Relationship Yes
No
c2=5.33 (df=1); p<.05 24(40.7)
35(59.3) 45(60.8)
29(39.2)
Communication
Style Yes
No
c2=1.80 (df=1); p=n.s 17(28.8)
42(71.2) 14(18.9)
60(81.1)
Leadership Skill Yes
No
c2=.342 (df=1); p=n.s 22(37.3)
37(62.7) 24(32.4)
50(67.6)
Political Style Yes
No
c2=3.71 (df=1); p=n.s 22(37.3)
37(62.7) 40(54.1)
34(45.9)
Decision Style Yes
No
c2=.81 (df=1); p=n.s 15(25.4)
44(74.6) 14(18.9)
60(81.1)
Management Style Yes
No
c2=3.36 (df=1); p=n.s 15(25.4)
44(74.6) 30(40.5)
44(59.5)

Hypothesis 2. Compared to Korean newspaper cartoons, American cartoons will use a more negative tone concerning presidential candidatesí images.

There is a significant difference in depiction of presidential candidatesí images in Korean and American cartoons. This finding indicates that American newspaper cartoons use a more negative tone concerning candidatesí images. Table 3 shows that a larger percentage of American candidates (69.5%) were depicted negatively than Korean candidates (37.8%). Overall, depiction in a negative tone (51.9%) was highest, and neutral depictions were second highest. Therefore, the negative aspect is stronger than all the other aspects in both countryís political cartoons.
Furthermore, America is defined as a low-context culture. Not only do Americans convey most information in outspoken messages, but they also freely express their viewpoints. Therefore, American newspaper cartoons use more negative tones concerning presidential candidatesí images. Korean comics depict candidatesí images indirectly and subtly because Korea is defined as a high-context culture. This leaves the tone of cartoons in Korea mostly neutral.

Table 3. Nation and the tone of a presidential candidatesí images
America(%) Korea(%)
Positive 7(11.9) 10(13.5)
Negative 41(69.5) 28(37.8)
Neutral 11(18.6) 36(48.6)
c2= 14.78 (df=2) p<.05

Hypothesis 3. Compared to American newspaper cartoons, Korean cartoons will put more emphasis on personality-oriented aspects than issue-oriented aspects of the presidential candidatesí performances.

The results of the analysis show that Korean newspaper cartoons emphasize more personality more than issue. As shown in Table 4, a larger percentage of Korean newspaper comics (77%) emphasizes personality than American cartoons (57.6%). However, both American and Korean newspaper comics emphasized personality-oriented cartoons.
The Korean communication style is described as being accommodation-oriented rather than confrontation-oriented. Direct confrontation in Korea is treated as a blatant disregard of custom. Therefore, it seems that Korean newspapers are personality-oriented to avoid directly confrontational issues. In addition to this, Koreans tend to pay more attention to a person than an issue. This is because the Korean people tend to be more interested in what a person stands for than in what the party pursues. The politics of Korea has followed the principle of centering on a person rather than a party. Both American and Korean newspaper comics emphasize personality-oriented cartoons. The reason is the nature of cartoons lends themselves to images rather than complex issues.

Table 4. Nation and Orientation
America Korea
Personality-oriented 34(57.6) 57(77.0)
Issue-oriented 25(42.4) 27(23.0)
c2= 5.72 (df=1) p<.05

9. Conclusion
This study analyzed the images of presidential candidates in newspaper comics of both Korea and America in terms of the three cultural dimensions. These were ¨ the context of communication, * individualism vs. collectivism and Æ confrontation. This study found that these dimensions mirror the cultural differences of the two countries.
Regarding the tone of a presidential candidateís image in cartoons, the context of communication was a good indicator of cultural differences. In the low-context culture of America, most information is delivered directly, even combatively. Therefore, American newspaper cartoons use a more negative tone than Korean cartoons. On the other hand, in the high-context culture of Korea, candidates are depicted subtly and indirectly. This makes the tone of Korean cartoons neutral.
Individualism vs. collectivism was another good determinant of cultural differences, according to the study. The results indicate that relationships such as regionalism, school relations and kinship are important factors in Korean culture. This highlights the assertion that collectivism and dependency are highly valued in Korea. There is a clear preference for "a tightly knit social structure of interdependency." On the other hand, individualism and independence are highly regarded in America.
Confrontation was also found to be a good indicator of different cultural patterns. Being accommodating rather than confrontational is characteristic of Korean communication. Koreans treat direct confrontation as a blatant disregard of custom. Therefore, the presidential images in Korean newspaper cartoons are personality-oriented and avoid political issues. In addition to this, Koreans tend to pay more attention to a person than an issue. This is because the Korean people tend to be more concerned with the person than what policies the candidateís party holds. Another reason that both American and Korean newspaper cartoons emphasize personality more than issues is the visual nature of comics. That is, cartoons can explore images better than they can define complex issues.
Also, a clear difference was found regarding presidential candidatesí images in American and Korean cartoons. The three dimensions were good indicators of cultural differences between Western and Asian society.
In addition to the cultural differences, the political environments of the two countries are different and could affect this study. Untested variables include the roles that economy and education could play.

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Appendix

Figure 1. Cartoon (Korea)

Sowing or Sewing East and West Regionalism?

Jan 28, 1999

President Kim Dae Jung is trying to repair the historical rift between eastern and western portions of the country.

Figure 2. Cartoon (Korea)

I got it ?

Feb 6, 1997

Even though the rumor spread that the President, Kim Young Sam, and the presidential candidate, Kim Dae Jung, were bribed, they didnít accept it. And they assert that their staff received the bribe.

Figure 3. Cartoon (America)

April 29, 1996

By Michael Ramirez, Memphis Commercial Appeal for USA Today

1. Demographic characteristics

Table 4. Candidates
Candidates Frequency(percent)
Hoi Chang Lee 21(15.8%)
Dae Jung Kim 35(26.3)
In Jae Rhee 18(13.5)
Bill Clinton 35(26.3)
Bob Dole 19(14.3)
Ross Perot 5(3.8)
Total 133

The frequency of Dae Jung Kim is highest (26.3%) in Korea. Bill Clinton (26.3%) was mentioned most in America.

Table 5. Nation
Nation Frequency(percent) of presidential image
Korea 74(55.6%)
America 59(43.6)
Total 133

Table 6. Tone of Presidential Image
Tone Frequency(percent)
positive 17(12.8)
negative 69(51.9)
neutral 47(35.3)
Total 133

Overall, a negative depiction of the presidential candidatesí images was highest (51.9%).

Table 7. Presidential Performance Criteria
Presidential Performance Criteria Frequency
Background 24(18%)
Intellect 4(3)
Motivation 7(5.3)
Personality 11(8.3)
Relationship 25(18.8)
Communication Style 11(8.3)
Leadership Skill 12(9)
Political Style 17(12.8)
Decision Style 13(9.8)
Management Style 9(6.8)
Total 133

The percent of relationship (18.8%) is highest in presidential performance criteria categories. The next are background (18%), political style (12.8%) and decision style (9.8%).

Table 8. Candidates and Categories (%)
backg-round intellect motiv-ation perso-nality relatio-ship com.
style leadership political style decision style mana-gement
H.C
Lee 12.9% 18.2% 7.1% 21.4% 20.3% 15.2% 14.5% 24.4%
D.J
Kim
25.8% 27.3% 14.3% 30.4% 30.4% 22.6% 30.4% 35.5% 24.1% 31.3%
I.J
Lee 3.2% 9.1% 50% 19.6% 14.5% 22.6% 6.5% 14.5% 24.1% 11.1%
Bill
Cliton 38.7% 22.7% 17.9% 14.5% 32.3% 34.8% 25.8% 41.4% 22.2%
Bob
Dole 16.1% 9.1% 21.4% 10.7% 17.4% 9.7% 10.9% 8.1% 10.3% 8.9%
Ross
Perot
3.2% 13.6% 7.1% 2.9% 12.9% 2.2% 1.6% 2.2%

For Hoi Chang Lee, the percentage of management (24.4%) is highest. The percentage of political style (35.5%) is highest for Dae Jung Kim. The percentage of motivation (50%) is highest for In Jae Rhee. In the case of America, Bill Clinton is pictured with leadership skill (34.8%), Bob Dole is pictured with motivation (21.4%) and Ross Perot is pictured with intellect (13.6%).